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Young Children Learning a Second or Foreign
Language:
Similarities and Differences[1]
Patton O. Tabors
Principal Research Associate
Harvard Graduate School of Education
There is considerable interest in the language-learning
abilities of young children around the world.� A great deal of
attention has been focused recently on how children learn language,
how that process can be supported by the adults in their world,
and how their language skills are related to their literacy development.�
More recently still, there has been a growing interest in how
children add a second language to their repertoire, either because
they live in a society that operates in a different language from
the one they learned at home - second language acquisition,
or because there is a desire for them to learn another language
other than the one that is common in their society - foreign
language acquisition.
This paper will explore the similarities and
differences of these two processes, second language and foreign
language acquisition, for young children.� Starting with the basics
of all language learning, it will then discuss what we know about
the two processes and will draw conclusions about what this means
for early childhood programs.
What do we know about how young children learn
language?
Let’s start with information about how
young children learn language.� In this section, the examples
will be taken from English, but the conclusions that will be presented
apply to all natural languages.� No matter what language a young
child acquires first (and it may be more than one language), the
process of acquisition will be similar for any normally developing
child, anywhere, learning any language.�
Learning a language may be the most impressive
accomplishment of the young child.� Language is a complex set
of systems, each of which has its own rules.� As children learn
a language, they master these various rule systems simultaneously.�
However, in order to understand how these rule systems operate,
we must discuss them as if they were separate.� The five systems
that will be discussed here are phonology - the sounds
of a language; vocabulary - the words of a language;
grammar - the way words go together to form phrases
and sentences; discourse - how sentences go together
to tell a story, to make an argument, or to form an explanation;
and pragmatics - using language appropriately and
effectively.
Phonology.� First and foremost, knowing
a language involves speaking and understanding words.� Those words
are made up of syllables, which are the basic units of language
production.� When infants are five to eight months old, they start
producing such syllables (ba, ma, ga, etc.)
in the course of their babbling.� Open syllables like ba
and ma are relatively easy to pronounce, and thus form
the basis for many 'babytalk' words (e.g., mama, booboo,
peepee).� Words that contain closed syllables (those with
a consonant at the end) are harder to pronounce, especially if
quite different consonants need to be articulated within one syllable.�
Thus, young children often say 'goggie' for 'doggie' or 'guck'
for 'truck,' because they simply cannot yet put two such different
sounds as /g/ and /d/ or /t/ into one syllable. During the early
childhood years, however, children's pronunciation of words comes
increasingly to resemble the pronunciation that adults use.
Vocabulary.� After a rather slow start,
vocabulary knowledge grows very rapidly during this period.� Children
typically acquire their first word at about one year of age.�
The first fifty words may take several months.� Thereafter the
process of word acquisition goes so fast that it is impossible
to keep accurate records, but it has been estimated that children
acquire 6 to 10 new words a day between the ages of two and six.�
Such rapid vocabulary acquisition relies on very powerful strategies
for guessing what words mean, considerable willingness to take
chances in using new words, and lots of help from adults in providing
information about words and their meanings.�
Grammar.�� Grammar refers to the system
of rules that children acquire so that what they say makes sense
and is correct.� As soon as children put two words together to
express simple meanings like rejection (“no tickle”),
recurrence (“more juice”), object and location (“daddy
kitchen”), actor and agent (“mommy help”), and
so on, they begin to demonstrate what they are learning about
the rules of grammar in their native language.� Children learning
English, for instance, show awareness of word order as an important
feature of the grammatical system.� In English, the sentence pattern
subject-verb-object is so common that developing the ability to
comprehend and use constructions which deviate from this pattern
(passives like "the lion was bitten by the flea," complement
constructions like "promise Mary you will go," and relative
clauses like "the dog bit the cat that chased the rat")
can last well into the early childhood years.
Discourse.� �Once young children have
developed the ability to put words together in sentences, the
next step is to put phrases or sentences together to begin to
develop discourse forms such as narratives (“I went to the
zoo and saw the elephant”), arguments (“I know she
was at school ‘cuz I saw her”), or explanations (“you
make that work by turning the wheel”).� Learning the rules
about the structure of each of these, and other, forms, as well
as the information that needs to be included, continues throughout
the early childhood period, as children’s discourse abilities
grow.
Pragmatics.�� Gaining control over all
of these systems, and developing proficiency in using them, is
only part of the process of acquiring a language.� Children must
also learn how to use language appropriately--how to be communicatively
effective and be responsive to the needs of their listeners.�
Pragmatics refers to everything from rules for politeness, like
saying 'please' and ‘thank you’ and avoiding discussion
of delicate topics (not mentioning how old someone is), to knowing
the rules for clarity in discourse, like the necessity for providing
antecedents for pronouns, so that listeners know who 'he' or 'they'
refer to.
How do children learn how to do all this?� Research
on children’s language acquisition has shown that although
the process that children go through in acquiring a first language
may be very similar in terms of timing and structure, the mechanisms
for acquiring language are very dependent on the socio-cultural
context that the child is exposed to.� In some societies, children
are the object of adult conversation from a very early age, while
other societies leave younger children in the care of older children
who become the language models for them.� However a particular
society works, children must be exposed to linguistic input in
order to acquire language, and they must use their developing
cognitive processes to construct the language system that they
will need to communicate with the adults and important others
in their world.
What about bilingualism in young children?
While children acquire language in much the same
way, some children are exposed to more than one language sometime
during the early childhood period, and the timing, intensity,
and context of this exposure can make a difference in the acquisition
of the two languages. Some children are exposed to two (or more)
languages in the home context and embark on acquiring both languages
at the same time.� We would call these children native or simultaneous
bilinguals.� These children usually follow the same course of
acquisition as children learning only one language, although they
may not move through the process as quickly, as they have the
extra task of learning two languages at the same time.� Further,
their acquisition of their two languages may be uneven, as they
may be exposed to one or the other of the languages more intensively.�
If a child is exposed to one language in the
home, and then, at a later time, to another language, most often
outside the home, this child would be called a sequential
bilingual.� Sequential bilinguals have the advantage of taking
on a second language when they are slightly older, and therefore
more cognitively sophisticated.� But this can also be a disadvantage,
as older children are expected to be more proficient and able
to express themselves in more advanced ways than younger children.�
Again, the amount of exposure to the two languages will be important
in determining the course of bilingual acquisition in these children.
What are second language acquisition and foreign
language acquisition?
The term “second language acquisition”
has been used in the research literature to indicate a wide range
of acquisition circumstances, but it is usually meant to indicate
that a child is adding a second language to an already established
native or first language, no matter what the context may be.�
However, for the purposes of this paper, I will be using the term
“second language acquisition” in contrast to the term
“foreign language acquisition,” and in this case the
context is the important factor to keep in mind.� I will use the
term “second language acquisition” to indicate the
circumstances when children acquire a home language that is different
from (at least one of) the community or societal language(s),
and then add the community or societal language to their repertoire.�
I will use the term “foreign language acquisition”
to indicate the circumstances when children acquire a home language
that is the same as (at least one of) the community or societal
language(s), and then add a language that is not a community or
societal language to their repertoire.
Here are some examples.� Rosa was born and raised
in Santo Domingo, the Dominican Republic and learned Spanish in
the family context.� When Rosa was three years old her family
immigrated to Boston, Massachusetts, where the family settled
in a Hispanic neighborhood and continued to speak Spanish at home.�
By the time Rosa was four years old, her family had enrolled her
in Head Start, a national program for low-income preschoolers.�
In her classroom, the teacher spoke English with all of the children,
while Rosa used Spanish with other Spanish speakers, and began
to use English with the children in the classroom who were native
speakers of English.�
We would consider Rosa a native speaker of Spanish
who has begun the process of second language acquisition by being
exposed to English - the societal language in the U.S. -
in preschool.�� In this context we can think of Rosa as being
in a situation of considerable communicative need to learn English,
as her teacher and some of her friends at school speak English,
and, although she lived in a Spanish-speaking neighborhood, the
society at large, including the media, was dominated by English.�
Also, her parents were eager for her to learn to speak English
in order to be ready to attend kindergarten the following year.
In contrast, Li-chong was born and raised in
Taipei, Taiwan and learned Mandarin in the family context.� When
Li-chong was four years old, his parents decided that they wanted
him to attend a preschool where he would be exposed to English.�
They believed that he would learn English easily at this young
age and would be able to speak English without an accent.� The
teacher in his classroom was from Australia and used only English
with the children. The children were required to use English in
the classroom, although they spoke Mandarin to each other at recess
and after school. Li-chong continued to speak Mandarin at home.�
We would consider Li-chong a native speaker of
Mandarin who has begun the process of foreign language acquisition
by being exposed to English - which is not the societal
language - in preschool.� In this context we can think of
Li-chong as being in a situation of reduced communicative need
to learn English, as he can use Mandarin most of the time, in
most contexts that are important in his life.
The developmental pathway of second language
acquisition in young children
Although folk wisdom would have us believe that
it is very easy for young children to learn a second language,
research makes it clear that second language acquisition is both
a social and cognitive challenge for young children, requiring
considerable effort.� And there is nothing magical about the process.�
As with first language acquisition, it is necessary for young
children to be extensively exposed to the new language, to have
the help of others in using the new language, and to feel that
it is worth the effort to learn the new language.�
The developmental pathway of second language
acquisition has been outlined as follows:
- Young children will bring their home language with them
into a second language situation and may continue to speak
their home language even if no one in the new context can
understand them
- Soon, however, young children begin to notice who can understand
their home language and who cannot.� If there is no one in
the new context who speaks their home language, then they
will stop talking altogether, entering a non-verbal period.�
During the non-verbal period, they will listen intently and
begin to develop receptive understanding of the new language.�
Further, just as babies start with babbling in their first
language, second language learners need to “tune in”
to the sounds that they will need in order to express themselves
in their new language.� Young children have been recorded
playing with the sounds by reciting nonsense words to themselves
that incorporate the new sounds, demonstrating that they are
working on how to pronounce words in their new language.
- Young children begin to use their new language by memorizing
short phrases that are repeated often and have high utility.�
In a classroom context, this often means the phrases that
children use to get into play with each other or to manage
social interactions.� Children learning English have been
observed using phrases like “hey!,” “mine,”
“I want it,” “lookit,” “bye-bye,”
and “I don’t know.”� Older children have
been observed memorizing longer sentences such as, “hey,
what’s going on here?” and “no fighting
now.”� Children may have only a very generally idea
of what these phrases mean, but they do know that they are
words that get results.� Simultaneously, children have been
observed asking for vocabulary items (“what’s
this?) as they seem to understand that they will need a new
name for all of the objects around them.�
- Young second language learners put together their phrases
and their vocabulary words, and begin to build productive
sentences, such as “I do a ice cream,” “I
want a drink,” “I’m a friend” At this
stage, children are doing the best with what they have available,
so they make lots of mistakes.� But they are also on their
way to constructing sentences in their new language.� Soon
they will be using negatives (“you no my mommy”)
and question forms (“how you make it?”), demonstrating
that they are beginning to understand the grammar of their
new language.� Eventually, they will be able to put together
a series of sentences, demonstrating that they are acquiring
discourse abilities.
Of course this is a cumulative process, as children
add layer upon layer of sounds, words, and grammar in their new
language.� It is also volatile, as a missing piece (how to pronounce
a word, what word belongs in the sentence, how the sentence should
go together) can sabotage a child’s ability to communicate
effectively.�
How quickly do children move through these stages?�
Research indicates that the rate of progress of second language
acquisition may depend upon at least four factors:� age, exposure,
personality, and motivation.� A child who is older when the process
of second language acquisition begins will have more cognitive
abilities to apply to the activity.� A child who is exposed to
the new language for more hours will hear more of the new language
and will have more opportunities to try it out and see what works.�
A child who is more outgoing will generate more communication
in the new language by joining social groups where the language
is being used.� And a child who is highly motivated to learn the
new language in order to communicate with others who speak the
language will seek out more opportunities to learn the new language
as well.� These factors may combine in different ways for different
children, which is why predicting the rate of acquisition is difficult.�
As in all developmental processes, individual differences are
important in second language acquisition.
What would this mean for Rosa?� We already know
that Rosa was four years old when she started learning English,
which is quite young in the context of second language acquisition.
And although she attended an English-speaking preschool, her class
was in session only three and a half hours a day.� During the
course of the year, however, Rosa used her considerable social
skills to develop a strong friendship with an English-speaking
girl, so her motivation to learn English and her opportunities
to practice English increased.� Rosa started to use English by
practicing the sounds at circle time by singing songs and reciting
stories.� Then she began using some phrases to get into play with
her English-speaking friend and, with her friend’s help,
she acquired a lot of names for objects in the classroom.� Soon,
she was able to participate in socio-dramatic play, beginning
to show that she was developing discourse skills in English as
well.� Her teacher told Rosa’s parents that Rosa was using
a lot of English in the classroom, but that there were still many
vocabulary items that she didn’t know and sometimes it was
difficult to understand what she was trying to communicate.� By
the end of the year, although Rosa had made a lot of progress
in English, her abilities certainly did not begin to approach
the level of a child who was a native speaker of English.� In
her kindergarten classroom, Rosa would need a lot of support for
continuing to learn English.
How does foreign language acquisition differ
from second language acquisition?
Early childhood education programs that involve
foreign language acquisition for young children are a comparatively
recent phenomenon.� Why are many early childhood educators outside
the U.S. considering
the development of such programs at this time?� And why is English
the language that is most often used as the foreign language in
these programs?
Two factors seem to have converged to make these
programs appealing to educators and to parents.� The first factor
is clearly related to the impact of English as the global language
of business, diplomacy, and education.� A quick search on the
internet reveals that there is a major industry in teaching English
as a second or foreign language to adult students who feel that
they need to learn English for personal and professional reasons.�
The second factor is the mythology that has grown
up around the optimum timing of second or foreign language acquisition.�
In this mythology earlier is always considered easier than later,
which combines with the belief that children who learn another
language at a young age will develop native-like pronunciation
of the language.�
In fact, these are the reasons that Li-chong’s
parents wanted their son in an English language early childhood
program in Taipei.� They believed that this would provide him
with the advantage of learning English effortlessly and with no
accent.� However, knowing what we do about young children and
the course of second language acquisition, it is important to
think about each of these assumptions before looking at what the
results were for Li-chong.
By targeting English as a language that they
wanted their son to know, Li-chong’s parents were making
a decision very early in his life about what factors might be
important for him later on.� However, this is not an unusual type
of gamble for parents to take.� After all, many parents expose
their children to a wide variety of athletic, musical, and technical
activities at a young age to give their children more life options
to choose from.� However, it is more important to examine the
second set of assumptions that Li-chong’s parents are making
about how easy this will be for him and that he will speak English
without an accent.
Let’s think about what we know about the
process that is involved in acquiring another language.�� First,
it is a cognitive and social process that requires lots of input
and lots of practice, and second, there are factors that affect
rate of acquisition, such as age, motivation, exposure, and personality.�
�In Li-chong’s case, the only input in English came from
his teacher and the only practice he had in using the language
was in daily drills in the classroom.� Because he was four years
old, he, like Rosa, was quite young to be acquiring a second language.�
And, because he lived in a community where English was not spoken
by either adults or children, his exposure to English was limited
to the classroom situation, meaning he was not motivated to use
the language.� And finally, although Li-chong’s social skills
were well developed, he used his skills to spend time with his
classmates during recess and after school, when he could use Mandarin.�
Consequently, after a year in the classroom Li-chong’s teacher
reported to his parents that, although Li-chong followed all of
her directions during activities in the classroom and participated
in the group oral language exercises, she had not been able to
get him to use English with her in a conversation.� She did report,
however, that his pronunciation of English was appropriate during
the oral language drills.� At the end of the year, Li-chong’s
parents had an important decision to make about what type of classroom
they wanted for the following year - one where English would continue
to be the only language, or one where Mandarin would be used for
most activities, with a short English lesson taught each day.
Conclusions
The purpose of this paper has been to turn the
spotlight on two different contexts in which young children are
exposed to a language that is different from their first or native
language:� a second language context in which children are expected
to acquire the community or societal language, and a foreign language
context in which children who are expected to acquire a language
that is not the community or societal language.� Although there
are many variations in these contexts, and therefore many different
pathways that young children can take in the second language acquisition
process, I have chosen to contrast the results for two young children
in order to illustrate the important factors that affect the process.�
In one case, Rosa made considerable progress in learning English,
because she had a lot of input in the language from both her teacher
and classmates, and she was able to practice her new language
with a friend who was a native speaker.� Further, because she
now lived in an English-speaking society, she was even more motivated
to learn English.� In the other case, Li-chong made very little
progress in the language, as his only language model was his teacher,
and therefore his input was limited and there were no opportunities
or need for him to practice the language with anyone.� Although
his parents may have been motivated by the idea that there would
be advantages in Li-chong learning English at this young age,
this was not a factor that motivated Li-chong.
How should early childhood educators incorporate
this information into their programs?� If a program serves children
who are learning a second language in its classrooms, it will
be extremely important for educators to carefully construct the
classroom environment to be as supportive as possible for the
second language learning children.� Supportive classrooms will
be ones where the children receive the maximum input possible
and are provided with lots of opportunities to practice their
new language.� Educators who are aware of the developmental pathway
of second language acquisition will be in a particularly strong
position to facilitate the process.�� Further, these will be classrooms
where educators understand that young children also need to learn
as much as possible about the world around them at the same time,
so they will provide as much information as possible using both
language and graphic representations of the concepts that they
are teaching.
If a program serves children who are being exposed
to a foreign language in its classrooms, it will be extremely
important for educators to examine their assumptions about the
purpose and goals of their program.� Given all of the learning
about the world that children need to be doing at this age, it
seems unlikely that optimal cognitive development will occur in
a classroom where a language that the children do not understand
is being used all of the time.� If programs wish to start children
on the path of foreign language acquisition, it may be more beneficial
to construct a classroom environment in which the children’s
first language is used for most of the day, and English (or another
language) as a foreign language is presented in the form of songs,
stories, word play, and rhymes, to give the children an idea of
the sounds of the language and a few vocabulary words.� If children
then continue with a gradual introduction of a foreign language
in later grades in school, they will have a strong foundation
to build on and a positive attitude towards foreign language learning.
[1] Material presented in this paper has appeared in
previous publications including Snow, C., & Tabors, P. (1993).�
Language skills that relate to literacy development (pp. 1-20).�
In Spodek, B. & Saracho, O. (Eds.), Yearbook in early
childhood education, vol.� 4.� NY:� Teachers College Press
and Tabors, P.� (1997).� One child, two languages:� A guide
for preschool educators of children learning English as a second
language.� Baltimore, MD:� Brookes Publishing;
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